Italy's military expenditures are increasing since 2015 and this year will reach the budget of 28. 7 billion euros ($ 30. 4 billion), which is 1. 54% of the gross domestic product of the country. Rome plans to reach NATO 2 percent by 2028, according to the decision, adopted at the end of March by the government of the then Prime Minister Mario Dragi, which caused many disputes.
The defense planning document for 2022-2024, published by the Italian Ministry of Defense in July, provides that Rome will reach this NATO average 1. 64% by 2024 if inflation allows. Focus translated Federico Bossari's article on the development of the Italian Armed Forces. This desire is a testament to the dedication of Rome in NATO and as a major security guarantor in an expanded Mediterranean region. In addition, Italy's recent expenses for defense have pointed to serious vulnerability.
As the new government has inherited the priority of the defense agenda, there are several key areas where it should work to improve the situation. Finally, the government should encourage an open public debate discussion with the involvement of a private sector, civil society and scientific circles. The long -term Rome's defense commitments best demonstrate his attention to military investments.
This year, Italy will allocate 27% of its defense budget for investment, which is 30% increase, and plans to follow this course over the next few years. The nature of the investment is also worthy of attention: Italy is focused on quality, preferring technologically perfect projects and high -quality opportunities. The main among them is the ambitious Tempest program, which has recently been allocated 1. 8 billion euros ($ 1.
9 billion) - within it, Italy will cooperate with the United Kingdom and Japan to create a sixth -generation fighter. Other major investment initiatives include new space strategic communications, as well as intelligence, surveillance and intelligence, modernization of heavy automotive vehicles of land troops and acquisition of new LXD AMFIBIBIAL LXD.
Emphasis on multinational defense projects, whether within the EU defense initiatives, such as Eurodrone, or at the transatlantic level, allow Italy to remain on advanced defense technology, share related costs and strengthen cooperation with allies and partners. The New Defense Minister Guido Krozetto is well acquainted with this summons and is unlikely to change the industrial policy of its predecessor.
In a recent interview, he mentioned "the promotion of Italian companies abroad" as one of the main tasks of the Ministry. Within its agenda, Crossetto also inherits the long -standing tradition of deployment of military forces abroad, mainly within the limits of multilateral stabilization missions.
For example, Italy is a leading European supplier of UN peacekeepers and the second after Spain by the EU member by the number of personnel deployed during operations under the leadership of the European Union. Currently, 2440 Italian servicemen have been launched in 9 NATO missions, which puts Italy along with Germany in the second place after the United States.
This role of a key security provider is likely to be preserved for a new right Cabinet of Ministers, headed by Prime Minister Georgia Meloni, who is a convinced Atlantic and promised continuity in the country's defensive policy. In addition to the war in Ukraine, the main interests of Italy in the field of security are focused on the expanded Mediterranean region.
In June, the former Defense Minister Lorenzo Gerini released a new defense strategy for the Mediterranean, which rotates around the concept of "stability" and warns of many rapidly developing threats. The latter not only includes the risks of terrorism, instability and climate change in North Africa and Sachel, but also the challenges derived from Russia and China.
Moscow retains a significant military presence in the region, including MiG-29 fighters in the Eastern Libya and upgraded Kilo-29 submarines capable of launching the winged "caliber" missiles that can affect any point in the Mediterranean. Russian Navy ships often pass through the Sicilian Strait and even entered the Adriatic Sea in August last year.
For this reason, Italy needs to create a reliable potential for NATO southern flank and guarantee constant protection of the most important submarine cable units and key energy infrastructure that connects the mainland part of the country and Europe with suppliers in North Africa and the Middle East. For its part, Beijing is a long -term challenge.
Chinese economic presence in the region thanks to each time a larger portfolio of projections for the purchase of ports and logistics infrastructure goes side by side with investments and diplomatic campaigns aimed at improving the image of China and consolidating its impact.
This tendency has potential long -term consequences for Italy's free access to ports and maritime trading routes, which is a priority for a country, which accounts for almost 40% of the market for the region and whose common trade sector is largely dependent on the "water economy". The new Cabinet of Ministers in Rome seems to be very serious about these threats.
In addition to China's clear statements by the Minister of Enterprise Adolfo Urso, Crossetto found a direct threat from Moscow, but called Beijing the biggest problem for the West in the long run. In combination with terrorism, international organized crime and climate changes, we get a multifaceted complex of challenges that can only solve a holistic approach based on the concept of humanitarian safety.
In military terms, this approach requires close cooperation within NATO and abroad in the form of an effort to join partners in strategic regions such as North Africa and Safe, as well as frequent consultations and joint exercises with regional allies. However, in order to be effective, these efforts must be in combination with political interaction and socio-economic cooperation aimed at eliminating local problems in accordance with the basic concept of stability.
Against this background, Italy is likely to face the difference in the perception of threats and strategic cultures in NATO and the European Union, which can complicate or slow down coordination with some allies. This applies not only to the obvious differences with the Baltic States or Eastern Europe in terms of geostrategic priorities. Relations with neighboring France, for example, are also problematic, although they have improved significantly after the 2021 Quirinal Treaty.
Although Rome and Paris have common interests and views on such important issues as the fight against terrorism and control of migration in Sachel, as well as energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, two neighbors are often diverging in Libya and recently on migrant treatment arriving through the central Mediterranean.
Competition also appeared in some economic sectors, including the defense and aerospace market, despite the recent promises of the two countries to strengthen bilateral defense cooperation within the EU strategic autonomy. On the one hand, this possible "strategic dissonance" should stimulate further political dialogue between Rome and regional allies to better agree on appropriate daily orders, in particular through special working groups.
On the other hand, it is necessary to intensify military diplomacy with partner countries at key geographical theaters in accordance with the principles and goals of the European Union and NATO. The current diplomatic participation of Italy in Niger and Sahali is a promising example.
From an operational point of view, the implementation of such a proactive and assertive position requires not only the acquisition of considerable expeditionary and integral combat potential, but also the development of highly professional armed forces capable of carrying out complex operations at a single high -high pace with allies and partners.
According to the Head of the General Staff of Italy Admiral Giuseppe Coffee Dragon, investments in human resources and priority training are necessary for any military forces, since without them "field technologies are ineffective. " Defense planning involves a complex balancing between the readiness, investment and the number of the Armed Forces - what Kathleen Gicks calls the "inevitable iron triangle of painful compromises.
" The search for such an equilibrium has been a major problem for many European countries, including Italy, especially decades, which is characterized by the collapse of defense budgets. So far, Italy's efforts to modernize have been constrained by an unbalanced distribution of funds between different segments of the Armed Forces.
According to the ancient tradition, this year, staff spending will occupy about 60% of the defense budget - the second indicator in NATO after Portugal - while only 11% will go for operation and maintenance. For comparison, the main allies, such as France, Germany and the United Kingdom, pursue a much more balanced cost policy: Paris and Berlin allocate about 40%for staff, and London only 31%.
A more balanced budget means additional resources available to key activities such as training, training, weapons testing and equipment maintenance, which will provide direct benefits about the skills, motivation and readiness of the Armed Forces. The Ministry of Defense found the need to solve this problem, in particular by improving economic efficiency, standardization of weapons procurement programs and staff reduction.
High staff costs are partially related to the slow change of generations in the Armed Forces. For example, in 2020, the average age in the Italian army was 38 years, and in the Air Force - 44 years. For comparison, in the UK armed forces, the average age is 31 years, and in the Armed Forces of France and the Bundeswehr - 33 years.
As the likelihood of high intensity challenges is increasing, the rejuvenation of the Armed Forces should be a priority for Italian defense and political planning experts. In the case of Italy, problems related to the aging of the population are exacerbated by the old professional model, which, preferring constant contracts, limits the influx of young personnel and the rotation of professionals, while increasing their salaries.
After many years of political discussions, the Dragi government adopted Law 119, which extends for 10 years the term implementation of the so -called "professional model reform". This gives melona the golden opportunity to carry out the long -awaited reforms, giving a year to write the necessary decrees.
In a recent interview, Crossetto confirmed his intention to rejuvenate the army and revise the career system, improving the mechanisms and incentives for reintegration of released servicemen for civilian work. The minister also hinted at the use of the provisions of Law No. 119 for a recruitment of up to 10,000 recruits, albeit mostly for non -governmental positions.
In addition to the fact that the new government seeks to attract younger forces, it also reviews the purpose of the army of 150,000 people in the light of the changed environment in the sphere of security and lack of personnel in some troops, especially in the Navy. Currently, 29,465 people serve the Navy of Italy. This testifies to gaping with countries such as France (35 thousand), the United Kingdom (34 thousand) and Turkey (45 thousand).
At the parliamentary hearing in March last year, the Navy's staff Admiral Enrico Credentino warned that Ankara would soon launch the largest fleet in the Mediterranean, while coastal countries like Egypt and Algeria quickly expand their Navy and equip them with prerequisites. Given the strategic importance of the Mediterranean, Rome's desire to strengthen its influence on this disputed theater is inevitably linked to the availability of a powerful naval fleet.
However, the shortage of personnel and ships (ideally the fleet requires 65 units compared to the current 57), along with spaces in key areas such as the Protetic War and Land Missiles, throw a shadow on the future of the Navy of Italy. Fortunately, in solving the tasks facing him, Rome has already developed good guidelines in his "White Book of International Security and Defense" in 2015.
This document, represented by the then Defense Ministry Robert Pinotti, was intended as a strategic plan for restructuring and modernization of the Armed Forces in accordance with the changing security environment. After seven years, many of his recommendations are still relevant.
They include the introduction of a simpler and more efficient recruitment-based recruitment process and international experience, as well as rationalization of the personnel segment by gradually transition from permanent contracts to uniform distribution of medium and short-term. The proposal is also recommended to use existing re-employment schemes and public-private partnerships to facilitate the reintegration of military personnel into the civil labor market.
These steps, for their part, will contribute to a more balanced distribution of funds between staff, support for the army's combat capability and operations. Given the struggle for attracting young people and replenishment of aging forces, a problem that arises in other Western countries, including the United Kingdom and the United States, is investment in unmanned systems and such technologies are released.
For example, the Italian Naval Department has recently approved a project for the development of an unmanned aircraft carrier. However, technologies are not a panacea, and if you use them to the detriment of personnel policy, it can even damage common military efficiency.
In fact, constant preparation and training are no less important, since the world moves to a more difficult operational situation, which requires a high level of operational compatibility, readiness and exchange of information between allies. This means that, among other reforms, Italy should pay priority to raising citizens' awareness of the role and importance of the Armed Forces.
In many countries in Western Europe, Russia's attack on Ukraine seems to have revived the public and political interest in defense after many years of apathy. However, the traumatic authoritarian experience of Italy, like some other countries, has complicated public discussion of defense and development of professional and academic knowledge in this field.
Therefore, the government should take advantage of the current security crisis in Europe to overcome the public taboo on security issues and form a stronger defense culture. General Stefano Comte has recently proposed to introduce special educational initiatives at schools and universities that would encourage new generations to study the history and role of armed forces in Italian society.
Other ideas include expanding the number of defense and national security academic programs, along with specialized career or professional growth opportunities organized by jointly defense and industrial sectors. In addition, more clear and consistent institutional communication from the Armed Forces could also improve the understanding of citizens what they do and why they do.
Close interaction between military and industry, scientific circles and civil society can stimulate more outdoors on defense and improve the relationship between civil and military. This, for its part, will contribute to Italy's efforts to create an armed forces that are able to contribute to more effective foreign policy and security policy.
Všetky práva vyhradené IN-Ukraine.info - 2022